E458 

,4 

.H72 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 




ODODbmiBbS 




ADDRESS 



TO THE 



PEOPLE or THE UNITED STATES. 

THE GREAT REBElLIOl 

CAUSES, PROGRESS, AND REMEDY, 



BY TIMOTHY WASHINGTON HOLBROOK. 

Ki \\ lllCli IS ADDED THE 

CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 







" Ainciica. new tmin child of destiny I wliose growth has astonished the world, -whose genius 
has subdued the lightnings of heaven, and made them serve the purpose of transmitting 
intelligence and knowledge ; whose advancement in agriculture, the arts and sciences are a 
beitcnn light to others, th« hom« of the^exilcand the unfortunate — wilt thou destroy thyself?' 
• ^/Extract from, the Address 



PRINTEn F(t'; THK PEOPLE OP THE UNITED STATES. 

18G4. 



ADDRESS § 



PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES. 



THEGBEATEEBELLIOI. 



CAUSES PEOGEESS AND REMEDY. 



BY TIMOTHY WASHINGTON HOLBROOK, 

AUTHOR OF TWO ADDRESSES: 

WAR THE DUTY AND DESTINY OF THE PEOPLE, AND GOD's- 
WAY OF PEACE. 



-^TvOFcoive?^ 



... .....^ 



OFwAsmHs;^ 



The Federal Union, it must and shall be preserved. — Andrew Jaclcson. 

This Nation may yet arise in her strength, and, through the blessing of Providence, be saved. 
T. Washington Holbrook. 



ROCHESTER, N. Y.: 

PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR. 
1864. 



(> 






II^TKODUOTIOK, 



Washington, in his Inangiiral Address, says it -U'onld be 
proper to admit my fervent snpplications to tliat Almi2;hty 
Being who rules over tlie universe, who presides in the 
councils of nations, and whose providential aid can supply 
every human defect, that his benediction may consecrate the 
liberties and happiness of the people of the United States, 
Every step they have advanced to the character of an 
independent nation seems to have been distinguished by 
some token of providential agency. Moses said, there is one 
source of happiness for all mankind — the favor of God. The 
Jews lost the favor of God by sinning and not obeying their 
Supreme Ruler, and destroyed their strength by internal 
conflicts. The nation that will not serve me shall utterly 
perish, saith the Lord. Turn ye, for why will ye die, O house 
of Israel. Let us quickly repent and seek the favor of that 
Being who alone can calm the wicked passions of the human 
heart, make the blossoms of peace bud and bloom, and bring 
safety and happiness to our mourning and distracted land. 
Let the newspapers, instead of teaching the doctrines of 
deceit, slander, malice, revenge and wry, teach the true doc- 
trines of love, charity, forgiveness, truth and peace, before 
severe judgments shall visit them. Let the j^eople, forgetting 
all past differences, unit'e all parties in the great and noble 
cause of saving our homes from being destroyed by incendia- 
ries, our country from murders and riots throughout the 
whole land, and our nation from destruction. Some time since 
I wrote and published two Addresses, dedicated to the people 
of the United States written with Divine assistance. They 
were favorably received by the people, well circulated and 



ENTEODUCTION. 



read by thousands. Feeling it deeply my duty to write and 
publish those addresses. 

Time has proved the truth of their predictions. Many 
singular coincidents have occurred to encourage me in 
writing the addresses. After writing about Washington in 
my closet, I was requested to see three fine clusters of white 
blossoms on a Washington apple tree. At the first view I 
called them blossoms of peace. Asked if there was another 
Washington, and gathered fruit and flowers from the same 
tree the last of September, 1863. Again I feel myself called 
upon to address my countrymen — not for the benefit of 
political parties, but for the best good of thirty millions of 
people, who inhabit one of the richest and most fruitful 
portions of the civilized world, and who, with the favor of 
God and the blessings of peace and union, may yet be a 
great and prosperous nation. Acknowledging my responsi- 
bility, I feel deeply conscious of a sacred right to address 
this nation. 

Anointed by the Lord, after fasting and prayer, through 
his divine spirit to be his servant and to bless my country- 
men, I beseech you to regard my teachings. Let us again 
seek the favor of the Supreme Euler of IS^ations, and pray 
that the spirit of selfishness, anger, malice and revenge, that 
is destroying our nation, may give place to one of love, for- 
giveness, peace, friendship and union. 

To form tbe policy of the goverument according to the Constitution, 
to more efficiently organize the army, to repair the Navy aud make it 
responsible to protect our commerce and to ao;ain unite the States in the 
l)oadsof friendship and union, are tasks requiring the best talents and 
tlie most sacred devotion to the best interests of the nation. The man 
Avho is President of the United States should be a man ol pure heart and 
clean hands, who will seek and obtain wisdom from that heingthat rules 
nations. Being in the observatory on Mount Hope Cemetery, surround- 
ed by a wilderness of graves, I was deeply impressed with this sentence: 
Let that man beware who shall attempt to rule this nation without the' 
sanction of Diviue authority and a blessing from the Supreme Ruler of 
Nations ; Feeling conscious of being annointed by the Lord through his 
Diviue Spirit after fasting and prayer. Prophet to warn, Priest to in- 
tercede, and ruler to rule this nation, I consider it my solemn duty to 
make it known to the people. Let us through true repentance gain the 
favor of Providence, and by a wise policy and prompt measures preserve 
our nation from anarchy and destruction. Respectfully, 

TIMOTHY WASHINGTON HOLBROOK. 



THE GREAT REBELLION. 

CAUSES, PROaKESS AND REMEDY. 



The love of home, friends and country is one of the most 
esteemed virtues that bind the human race together. With- 
out affection or love, man is like the shipwrecked mariner 
with no magnet to attract or compass to direct him, at the 
mercy of the waves and liable to be destroyed. Ruin a 
man's country, invade the sanctity of his home, destroy the 
happiness of liis family, and man turns from a lamb to a 
fierce and bloody savage. The love of country has strength- 
ened the patriot's heart in the hour of battle, and men in 
various nations, and in every age of the world, have endured 
the most severe hardships and sacrificed life itself to secure 
the blessings of peace, prosperity and happiness to those 
around them. It encouraged the heart of David, who, trust- 
ing in his God, slew a giant and subdued the enemies of his 
kingdom. It nerved the arms of the three hundi'ed Spartans 
who defied and encountered the vast army of Xerxes. It 
encouraged our forefathers in a war of seven years to resist 
the tyrany of the British Government. It hastened the flight 
of the American Eagle as she pounced upon the British Lion 
and drove him back to his den, woimded and severely beaten. 
' See those who banded together like brothers, withstood suc- 
cessfully the military power of the British Crown, now sepa- 
rated and striving by every means in their power to destroy 
each other. Wlien we consider the immense sacrifice of life 
and treasure this war has cost us, the ruin and desolation of 
our country, it is natural for us to inquire, what are the true 
causes of the destruction of the peace, prosperity and happi- 



6 GREAT REBELLION. 

ness of our once great and glorious Uuion. Slavery, the 
great cause of the rebellion, has existed in all ages of the 
world. Powerful nations have overcome weak ones and 
made them subjects, servants and slaves. By many nations 
the holding of slaves has been justilied and considered hon- 
orable. In Leviticus, xxv., 45 and 46 verses, we find the 
following in regard to slavery : " Moreover of the children of 
the strangers that do sojourn among you, of them shall ye 
buy, and of their families that are with you which they begat 
in your land, and they shall be your possession. And ye shall 
take them as an inheritance for your children after you to 
inherit them for a possession ; they shall be your bondmen 
forever : but over your brethren the children of Israel ye shall 
not rule one over another with rigor." At the coming of 
Christ the Jews, Romans and other nations held slaves. 
They were computed by Gibbon at sixty millions, or one half 
of the population. Christ condemned the Jews in the most 
severe language for their wickedness, and his apostles instead 
of condemning slavery, laid down rules for master and 
servant, servants meaning in the original, slaves. That Amer- 
ican slavery has its evils we will admit. Shall we on this 
account throw the life of the nation on the issue between 
freedom and slavery, and sacrifice the life, prosperity, re- 
sources and happiness of millions. If we separate the nation 
into fragments, exhaust her resources by a long-continued 
war, dry up her fountains of prosperity, and reduce us to 
poverty, will not the negro suffer deeper degradation and 
misery? In the Northern States slave labor has been four d 
unprofitable, and laws have been enacted giving them their 
freedom. In the Southern States the high price of cotton 
and tobacco, the extreme heat of the climate, unfavorable in 
many parts to the health and labor of the white man, the 
adaptation of the negro to withstand the baneful effects of 
the climate, his ability to undergo fatigue and labor, has 
tended to sustain and strengthen the system of slavery. Of 
late years there has arisen a class of persons in the North 
who seem to forget their own sins and remember their neigh- 
bors', have tried to make out slavery to be the sum of all 



CAUSES, PKOGRESS AND REMEDY. 7 

villanies. Papers and books were freelj' circulated showing 
the dark side of the picture, creating an untold amount of 
sympathy, and ending in one of the most fearful and bloody 
wars that ever existed. In 1835 pictorial handbills and ex- 
citing pamphlets were circulated among the slaves to excite 
their passions and to rouse them to insurrection. Persons 
coming from the North were carefully watched and if caught 
in secret communication with the slaves were severely pun- 
ished. The time of Congress has been occupied in exciting 
and violent debates. 

In the settlement of Kansas the South claimed they had 
the same right as the North to carry their property into the 
territory. In the troubles between the settlers many valu- 
able lives were lost. The John Brown raid in Virginia served 
to increase the apprehensions of the South that the North 
meant to interfere with slavery. The doctrine of secession 
had already di\dded the great religious denominations of the 
Union, separated neighborhoods, families, husbands and wives. 
The division of the Democratic party, the selection of Mr. 
Lincoln as a candidate for the Presidency, who had said many 
things in favor of freedom and hostile to slavery, tended to 
increase the excitement of the people at the south. Night 
processions with torches, executing military movements, al- 
most foretelling future events, the belief there would be no 
secession, or war, resulted in the election of Mr. Lincoln. 
The news of the result of the election caused deep gloom and 
despondency at the south. Meetings and conventions were 
held, and they prepared to secede. 

Mr. Lincoln received of the votes of the people, 1,857,610. 
The three other candidates received 2,804,560 votes ; the ma- 
jority of the three candidates over Mr. Lincoln, 946,950 ; thus 
showing, that although Mr. Lincoln received the majority of 
the electorial votes, the people were opposed to him by nearly 
a million majority of votes. 

Congress met in a state of much excitement. In defend- 
ing the doctrine of disunion, the South claimed that States 
were sovereigns, and had a right to secede, and act independ- 
ent of the United States, They consented as sovereigns to 



O GEEAT REBELLION, 

become members of the Union, and bad a perfect right to 
secede at tlieir pleasm'e. They also claimed that Mr. Lincoln 
was a sectional man, elected by a sectional party to make war 
on the South, and that the same party would soon rule both 
houses of Congress, They also claimed, Mr. Lincoln had 
said the United States must become all free or slave States, 
and that he would pursue extreme measures to the injury of 
the South. In the debates of Congress there was want of 
kindness and conciliation between the members. The North 
had the power, and said they had quietly submitted when 
southern presidents had been elected, and now, when a nor- 
thern man was elected, the South had no right to secede. 
They denied that Mr. Lincoln was elected to make war on 
the South, and they were opposed to the extension of slavery, 
but had no right to interfere with it where it then existed. 
The South defied the North, and said, if they should secede 
and war should ensue, and their large armies were defeated, 
they would form themselvjes into guerillas and fight them to 
the last. Mr. Douglass said the Union was going to pieces, 
and we would not do anj-thing to preserve it ; that other 
goverinnents had humbled themselves, and that we should 
humble ourselves, make concessions and save the Union. If 
the South were deceived we should undeceive them, and give 
them assuran'ces that we would not interfere with their rights. 
Mr. Crittenden offered a proposition that slavery should have 
the privilege of existing in the Territories south of thirty-six 
degrees thirty minutes : north of that line to be consecrated to 
freedom. It received but few votes. Mr, Etheridge, of Ten- 
nessee, said he would be willing to leave the question of dis- 
union to twelve men, and if Congress would not act, he would 
move an adjournment of tlie question to the people, who 
would settle it satisfactorily and permanently. On being 
asked which side he was speaking for, the North or the South, 
he sarcastically replied, that he was speaking for that side 
which had but few representatives on that floor, the side of 
his country. 

Two extremes governed Congress, Refusal to conciliate 
was the great cause of the war, and after three years, when 



CAUSES, PEOGKESS AND. REM^nY. 9 

they can count tlieir human sacrifices by hundreds of thou- 
sands, and the treasure spent by thousands of millions, are 
madly pursuing the same course. The South, disregarding 
the warnings of a "Washington, Webster, Clay, and a host of 
other statesmen ; the counsels of Alexander Stevens, and many 
other warm friends of the Union at the south, embarked on 
the sea of disunion, their future uncertain, and their path 
marked with blood and misery. The doctrine of secession of 
States without sufficient reason cannot be admitted. The 
theory carried out would render insecure all human govern- 
ments, and crime and wickedness would go unpunished. 
Had the Southern States good reasons for seceding ? What 
did Alexander Stevens, the Vice-President of the Southern 
Confederacy, say ? He defended the North, and said if the 
South seceded it would bring ruin and destruction upon them. 
Could they have foreseen the sad consequences, would they 
have seceded from that Union under whose protection they 
had been so providentially prospered ? As a people we had 
not obeyed the commandments, or regarded the precepts of 
that Being who had protected our forefathers when settled in 
a desolate wilderness surrounded by savages ; given us our 
liberties from the oppression and tyranny of England, and 
had prospered us from feeble colonies to become one of the 
mighty nations of the earth. The Bible was laid away, and 
often covered with dust. Newspapers and books were read 
to the exclusion of the word of life. In the bustle of busi- 
ness and pursuit of pleasure, we did not observe the com- 
mandment, " Remember the sabbath-day to keep it holy.'j 
Corruption and fraud, that existed in legislative halls, extend- 
ed its baneful influence throughout society. The serpent of 
slander, with its forked tongue, was busy fomenting strife and 
discord, dividing families, communities and nations into frag- 
ments, bringing desolation to household hearths, weakness 
to churches, and ruin to nations. 

The desire for wealth, office and power had taken such deep 
root in our hearts, as to almost banish the influence of that 
great commandment. Love to God, and love to man. Would 

that Being whose throne is in the heavens, who is a God of 

2 



10 Gl^EAT EEBELLION. 

truth and justice, look with pleasure upon a nation corrupted 
with wickedness ? Has he not suffered us to deceive our- 
selves, to believe lies and destroy our nation, to humble us^ 
and that we might turn from sin and darkness to truth and 
righteousness? " Eighteousness exalteth a nation, but sin is 
a reproach to any people," bringing down the just judgments 
of Jehovah on those who transgress his commandments. 

The session of Congress for 1860 and 1861 soon passed 
away. The storm of passion that swept through its halls, 
uncalmed by reason or concessions, resulted in fatal disaster. 
The Union was broken. Could we divide it peacefiilly ? If 
you could divide the ocean with a rope of sand, you might 
divide this Union, with no place for a dividing line, without 
blood. Soutli Carolina, followed by her sister States, seceded, 
formed a confederation of States, and elected President and 
Yice-President. The nation who, united, could have defied 
the world, was by fighting each other to destroy the founda- 
tion of their own liberties. 

Mr. Lincoln, commencing his journey to the Capitol with 
the calmness of a pleasure tour, ended it in a hurried flight to 
Washington, and was inaugurated President. Gaining the 
goal of his ambition, enjoying the highest ofiice in the gift of 
his countrymen, it remains to be seen how wisely he exercised 
the power given him to calm the storm that was beating 
fiercely upon the ship of state. The commissioners that were 
appointed by the southern confederacy to treat for a peaceful 
separation were not ofiicially received by the Government, 
and left Washington April 11. On the 15th President Lin- 
coln called for seventy-five thousand men, and the first sol- 
diers arrived in Washington April 18. Government property 
was seized, and skirmishing commenced with various siiccess. 

At the beginning of the war, the deep feeling of the masses 
of the north could be truthfully expressed in the saying of 
General Jackson, " The Federal Union — it must be preserv- 
ed." Their lives and money w^ere otiiered on their country's 
altar, with a generosity most commendable. They asked in 
return a wise and vigorous policy ; in relation to the war, that 
their lives should not be sacrificed uselessly ; that their money 



CAUSES, PROGRESS AND. REMEDY. 11 

should be economically expended, and the Union should be 
restored. Success in war depends on a just cause, the favor 
of Providence, wise management, skilful, energetic, brave 
active officers, and well disciplined soldiers. It was soon 
found that the society and amusements in Washington pos- 
sessed greater attractions to many of the officers than service 
in the army. The result was a want of confidence between 
the officers and soldiers, and not that strict discipline neces- 
sary to the success of an army. 

The first important battle fought by the army of the Poto- 
mac, at Manassas, Sunday, July 21, resulted in a signal defeat, 
and retreat to "Washington. The people of the West, burn- 
ing with enthusiasm, roused themselves, and selecting good 
commanners, gained some important victories. The cam- 
paign of 1861 taught us the important lesson that the South 
were determined in their resistance, that they fought bravely 
for their rights and homes, and to subdue them we must have 
good officers and large and well disciplined armies. The 
President made repeated calls for soldiers, which were re- 
sponded to with promptness by the people, and our thinned 
armies were again filled with men having brave hearts, will- 
ing to suffer and die, that the bands of union might be again 
extended around our nation. . General McClellan, appointed 
to the command of the army of the Potomac, soon improved 
its discipline and morals. Tlie victory of Port Royal and 
Mill Springs, the capture of Fort Donelson, the victory of 
Pea Ridge, the surrender of Island No. Ten to Commodore 
Foote, and the battle of Shiloh, were favorable to the Union, 
and vindicated the character of the soldiers in regard to dis- 
cipline and courage. 

The campaign of 1862 may justly be celebrated for the 
number of battles fought between the contending armies — 
the zeal and courage displayed by those belonging to the 
same nation to destroy each other. The battle of Fair Oaks, 
the peninsular campaign, including the seven days' fight be- 
fore Richmond, tlie battles of South Mountain, Antietam 
and Fredericksburg, in the destruction of life, and clothing 
of families throughout the nation with mourning for the loss 



12 GREAT REBELLION, 

of friends, will compare with the most bloody battles of mod- 
ern times. Malignant fevers and other diseases invaded onr 
camps, and many w^ho had escaped death on tlie battle field, 
were by some fatal disorder consigned to rest in a soldier's 
grave. 

Mr. Lincoln issned a proclamation giving the people of 
the revolted States ninety days to retnrn to their allegiance 
to the Union. If they did not return in the specified time, 
their slaves would be declared free and set at liberty. The 
President defended himself with the plea that he had a right 
to weaken the enemy by every means in his power. If we 
had defeated and taken prisoners a large portion of General 
Lee's army in Virginia, if we had taken Richmond, and our 
victorious armies were everywhere crushing the South, such 
a proclamation might have been received with some degree 
of favor. On the contrary, our armies had been defeated in 
a number of battles ; jealousy between the oflicers, intemper- 
ance and disease, liad essentially weakened our strength. 
Many who had enlisted in onr armies iVu* mercenary motives, 
were in sympathy with the South, and the most important 
movements of our armies were communicated to the enemy. 
The secession of the South was consummated by political 
leaders, and a part of the people. There were hundreds of 
thousands of loyal men who were forced into disunion, wait- 
ing for a favorable opportunity to restore themselves again 
to the Union. When they read the proclamation of Mr. Lin- 
coln, interfering with their rights and freeing the slaves, they 
joined their brethren in the contest for a complete separation 
from the North, 

When \ve consider the South seceded to sustain and 
strengthen the institution of slavery, that they believed in 
the sovereign rights of States, they could but consider this 
usurpation of power a base invasion of their rights, A large 
portion of the jSTorth were also opposed to the proclamation, 
believing it was contrary to the Constitution, and would 
deepen the strife, and destroy what friendship then existed 
between the North and South. AVhen we consider the pop- 
ular vote of the three other candidates for the presidency 



CAUSES, PROGRESS AND REMEDY. 13 

were nine hundred tlionsand more than Mr, Lincoln's ; that 
in his inaugural he should say, that he had no right or 
intention to interfere with slavery ; that he should recall 
General Hunter's and General Fremont's proclamations, it is 
indeed singular, that with a conservative majority of little 
less than a million of votes against him at the tiine of his 
election, he should so soon issue such a proclamation. As a 
M'ar measure it was like a desperate surgeon, who, finding a 
deeply seated ulcer in a man's body, seizes a butcher knife, 
determined to cut it out, at the risk of the patient. 

It was indeed a war measure, uniting the South and divi- 
ding the North, making the conflict more desperate and pro- 
tracting the war, iS^apoleon the First, in the invasion of 
Russia, refused to arm the serfs, although urged to do so, on 
account of the miseries it would produce. President Madison, 
at the close of the last war with England, said, if the Govern- 
ment could not witlistand the criticisms of the people, let it 
go down. Mr, Lincoln is inclined to believe it is better to 
cover up the failings of his administration than to expose 
them, cleanse the Government of corruption, and by a wise 
and vigorous policy, restore tlie Union, with the blessings of 
peace, to our distracted and mourning nation. Persons who 
have spoken against the present infixtuated policy of the Gov- 
ernment, have been suddenly seized and sent to distant pris- 
ons, and been confined for months, without the benefit of the 
writ of habeas corpus, or a trial by jury. 

That the writ of habeas corpus should be suspended in 
some cases, we willingly concede : but, in States not in rebel- 
lion, where the civil law is in full force, its suspension nmst 
be regarded as gross injustice, and base interference with the 
most sacred rights of citizens. As a civil ruler we believe 
Mr, Lincoln is the servant of the people, and we have a just 
right to criticise his actions. With almost unlimited powers, 
is it not right to hold Mr, Lincoln and the administration re- 
sponsible for the preservation from useless sacrifice of the 
lives of the one million and a half of soldiers furnished them, 
and for the right use of three thousand millions of dollars 
that will soon be expended. Truth, thou priceless jewel in a 



14: GREAT KEBELLION. 

royal diadem ! how is thine honor humbled, and thy virtue 
trampled in the dnst, in the pursuit of wealth and political 
office! 

How often have the church bells been ringing merrily for 
victories never gained ! Telegraphs and newspapers made me- 
diums ofdeception! Is it wise to be deceived with the surface 
prosperity of the present, when in the future may wander 
gaunt forms wasted with famine, and misery, desolation and 
ruin may come upon our nation ? Is it wise, when nation 
after nation have destroyed themselves by internal wars, to 
pursue the same course and meet the same fate ? France, 
scorning our power, is trying to place a crowned emperor on 
the throne of Mexico. Pirates, built in English harbors, 
have defied our navy and destroyed our commerce. Time 
may yet prove who are traitors and villains. It may be those 
who have trampled on the Constitution and laws, and may yet 
be called to give a strict account by an indignant people. It 
may be those who delight in human sacrifices, and saying all 
is right when they are destroying the life-blood, wealth and 
resources of a mighty nation. It may be those who, enjoying 
high-salaried offices under Government are reaching both 
hands into the public crib, and stealing them full of green- 
backs. It may be those who are living in splendor out of the 
treasures of the nation, and are rioting in luxury when we 
are on the verge of bankruptcy. 

Tremble, ye guilty men who seek, like the vulture, to 
thrive on the miseries of your countrymen ! This nation may 
yet arise in her strength, and through the blessing of Pro^d- 
dence be saved. "What would we think of two railway trains 
who, with long lines of passenger cars, were rushing towards 
each other on the same track, to observe the conductor and 
engineer trying to increase the speed ? What would be the 
result ? Great loss of life and property. As you examine 
the shattered cars, you find the northern railroad cars have 
run into the cars belonging to the southern railroad, and the 
dead and wounded lie mingled together. As you listen to 
the groans of the dying, and are taking care of the wounded, 
you find yourself in the presence of the conductor, who es- 



CAUSES, PROGRESS AND REMEDY. 15 

caped uninjured. You ask him why the brakes were not 
brought into requisition, and every means used to prevent 
the colHsion. He tells you the land where the cars came 
together belonged to the Southern Railroad Company ; that 
they were originally one company ; that the Southern llail- 
road Company seceded when the contract of the Company did 
not admit of any secession ; and that he was determined to 
crush the cars, and make the owners submit and become 
incorporated again with the Northern Kailroad Company. 
You ask him if this is a wise way to make peace, to destroy 
he lives of the passengers, and property which must be re- 
paired from the resources of the Company. He says he thinks 
you are a northern traitor ; that it was a war measure, and 
he was determined to carry it out. 

You reply, that war measures are not always wise, and 
sometimes make war instead of peace, and if they continued 
to destroy each other it would soon ruin both companies. 
What is the clashing of cars compared with the shock of 
contending armies? what the killing tens or hundreds of 
passengers, compared with the slaughter of thousands of 
soldiers, who sleep their last sleep in gory beds, red with 
blood ? Shall brothers continue to destroy each other, till 
the nation is bankrupt, and there is not men enough left to 
take care of the widows and orphans ? Has the sun-light of 
revelation, of science and knowledge enlightened the world 
for thousands of years, and shall we still be guided by our 
passions and prejudices, instead of wisdom and reason ? Shall 
we continue to love darkness rather than light, ^d denounce 
as villains those who speak for peace ? Shall the ministers 
of the gospel be forced into the contest, and instead of preach- 
ing the true doctrines of the gospel, love, charity, forgiveness 
and peace, preach war and bloodshed ? 

Shall we hug the delusive phantom of war as a sacred 
angel to our bosoms till he has proved a most wicked fiend 
and destroyed our nation ? Will the religious press continue 
to teach that this is a holy war, and to free the slaves we 
should sacrifice the white race ? Let the church, instead of 
bearing a sword red and dripping with a brother's blood. 



16 GREAT REBELLION. 

seize tlie sword of the Spirit, and with the word of God 
march on to victory, conquering the kingdom of darkness 
with the glorious light of the gospel of Christ. Suppose the 
people of the State of New York had been taught the 
sovereign rights of States, and we had seceded from the 
Union. If the soldiers from the South should invade the 
State to destroy our homes and confiscate our property, 
would we not defend ourselves to the last extremity, and de- 
nounce as traitors all those who would not unite with us in 
destroying the invaders of our soil. Is not this the present 
condition of the south 'I Have we exhibited that spirit of 
charity which says lo to others as you would have others do 
to you ? Are we treating the South at the present time in 
the spirit of love, charity and friendship!; Are we not 
invading the South, desolating their homes and contlscating 
their property ? Do we not often rejoice at the destruction 
and misery of the South, forgetting that we are destroying 
ourselves, and that our own people are veiled in lEourning? 
The bloody battle of Gettysburg, the surrender of Vicks- 
burg and Port Hudson were prominent events of the cam- 
paign of 18(33, and raised the hopes of the people that the 
Union would soon be restored. The immense sacrifice of life, 
General Meade's official report stating it to be over twenty- 
three thousand Jiilled, 'wounded and missing at the battte of 
Gettysburg, and fatal diseases whose home is so often in the 
camp, soon rendered it necessary for a new call to be made 
for soldiers. The campaign of 1863 should have taught us 
that the Souffi were desperate and would light to the last ex- 
tremity, and it Avas only by conciliatory policy and restoring 
to them |heir rights as States that we could again unite 
t(^'ether in the bonds of union and friendship. Thousands 
of slaves who were set free died of disease, hunger and cold, 
and many returned to their masters. Mr. Fiske, who was 
sent to the North by General Grant to solicit aid for the 
Buffering blacks, says, of four thousand at Memphis twelve 
hundred died in three months, and thousands of others were 
lying on tlie cold ground destitute of blankets and the nec- 
essaries of life. Instead of gaining wisdom by the exper •'^ 



CAUSES, PROGRESS AND REMEDY. 17 

of three years' war, the President by his amnesty proclama- 
tion, and Congress by its measures, seemed determined to 
carry out the policy it had adopted — to dismember the 
States and free the slaves. How different from Mr. Lincoln's 
inaugural, in which he says he has no right or intention to 
interfere with slavery, are the proclamations he has since 
issued. The Chicago Convention which nominated Mr. 
Lincoln for the Presidency, solemnly declared what its party 
regarded as the true course to pursue, in the following 
resolutions: 

Resolved. That the maintenance inviolate of the rights 
of States, and especially the right of each State to order and 
control its own domestic institutions according to its own 
judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of powers 
on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric 
depends; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed 
force of the soil of any State or Territory'-, no matter under 
what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes. 

After many of the States had seceded from the Union and 
taken up arms against the Government, Congress, in which 
the friends of Mr. Lincoln had a majority, passed the follow- 
ing resolution, nearly unanimous : 

Resolved., That the present deplorable civil war has been 
forced upon the country by the disunionists of the Southern 
States now in arms against the Constitutional Government, 
and in arms around the Capital. That in this national emer- 
gency, Congress, banishing all feelings of mere passion or 
resentment, will recollect only its duty to the whole country. 
That this war is not waged on their part in the spirit of 
oppression, or for any purpose of conquest or subjugation, or 
for the purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the 
rights or established institutions of those States, but to main- 
tain the supremacy of the Constitution and to preserve the 
Union with all the dignity, equality and the rights of the 
several States unimpaired, and as soon as these objects are 
accomplished the war ought to cease. 

Has not the President, Administration and Congress 

trampled the Constitution, platforms and resolutions under 
3 



18 GREAT KEBELLION. 

tlieir feet, and instead of restoring tlie Union, made tliis a 
political war, for self aggrandizement, conquest and phmder ? 
Is not the army filled with Achans who steal ])rivate 
property, and send property thns stolen to their homes in the 
ISTorth? Are tliere not many in onr armies who devour 
widows' houses, and destroy the bread needed by famishing 
orphans ? A Christian war indeed ! when a nation claims it is 
right to murder and steal. If the rebellion is about crushed, 
why do they not attack the armies of the South instead of 
making raids destroying private property, and l)y writing 
and publishing large stories in the newspapers, deceiving the 
people of the North with the true condition of affairs. 

Who are secessionists 1 It may be ihose who by an unwise 
policy and disgraceful war are separating further apart the 
North and the South, and by an increasing national debt are 
reducing themselves and their yjosterity to the coniHtion of 
slaves. Has Mr. Lincoln a right to dismember States, de- 
stroy their institutions and rule them with military power '? 
Is there a single Northern State wlio would submit to be dis- 
membered and governed by one-tenth of the population? 
The ship Union, Avith a large numljer of passengers, sailed 
from the United States for a distant land. The first part of 
the voyage was prosperous, and the passengers were liappy 
in the prospect of a safe and pleasant voyage. At length 
the passengers began to slander each other. This vile demon 
looks with blind eyes on the virtues of those he wishes to de- 
stroy, while his eyes, like those of a basilisk, are sharp and 
piercing to discover their vices. The captain, who was an 
old man, was disabled by a stroke of the palsy, it was 
decided at a public meeting to let the passengers and crew 
by ballot select a captain. Of the four candidates selected 
one was very much disliked by a large number of the pas- 
sengers and crew, who said if he was elected tliey would 
seize part of the vessel and live by themselves. The otlier 
passengers did not believe they would secede, said they had 
a right to vote as they pleased, and succeeded in electing 
their candidate. On hearing of his election, part of the pas- 
sengers and crew seized one side of the vessel and prepared 



CAUSES, PROGRESS AND REMEDY. 19 

to defend themselves. They found a number of revohition- 
arj muskets on board, which in the hands of our forefathers, 
was the means used for settling many of the British soldiers 
permanently in the soil of America, One Sabbath afternoon 
grand attack was made on those in mutiny, who received 
their assailants Avith so destructive a fire that they soon 
retreated with the loss of a large number killed and wound- 
ed. After many conflicts with each other resulting in the 
loss of many valuable lives, the captain issued the following 
order : 

That those who would return to their allegiance within 
nine hours, their privileges would he restored to them ; if 
they did not return their servants would be taken from them 
and their property confiscated. One man in reply, said he 
knew that many of the servants would not leave their mas- 
ters, as for confiscating their property, they were determined 
to defend it at the peril of their lives. One of the captain's 
friends told him it was very unwise to make such proclama- 
tions, that it would make many of his friends his enemies, 
who did not believe he had a right to issue such orders, and 
that it would uTiite and exasperate those in mutiny. In 
a number of assaults, the friend of the captain gained the 
advantage, taking many prisoners. The captain in the time 
of battle was contented to stay in his cabin surrounded by a 
number of men called his council. The captain soon issued 
another order stating that if those in mutiny would swear 
that all he and his council had done was right, lay down 
their arms and give up their servants, they should be well 
treated. On reading this proclamation, one man remarked 
that he believed they were all going to the devil, and he was 
determined to go there fighting rather than to submit to such 
terms. An old sailor went down into the cabin and thus 
addressed the captain : "For forty years my home has been ou 
the ocean wave, and my locks are white with age, may I 
speak V The captain says, "Yes, my friend." "We have tried 
to put down this mutiny and have not done it; we have 
found it easier to give orders than to have them executed; 



20 GREAT EEBELLION. 

and the trntli is, captain, yonr own friends are not satisfied 
witli your orders. Those who are trying to put down this 
mutiny are calling each other hard names, and if something 
is not done to quiet them they will soon light. The ship is 
leaking and we are in a perilous condition. There have 
already been a great number killed on both sides, and many 
on board tlie vessel are clothed in mourning. The lamenta- 
tions of the widows and orphans make me feel sad, and if 
we keep ou destroying each other we shall soon fall an easy 
prey to ])irates." 

"Well, what would you advise me to do?" says tlie captain, 
"I see no other way but to resign," says the sailor. " What 
would become of my friends T asked the captain. "I think 
they have stolen enough to support them some time," replied 
the sailor. "The safe belonging to the company lias been 
broken open and the money is all gone. One man told me 
that he knew a number of men who had stolen large sums 
of money, and a good many on board seemed more anxious 
to get rich out of the resources of the company than to put 
down the mutiny. We want a man for captain of the purest 
moral character, whose prayers God will accept, for we espe- 
cially need assistance from Heaven at this time. There is a 
man who is deeply interested in the welfare of all on board, 
who has said a good many tilings about this mutiny that have 
come to pass, who is a praying man and says he trusts in 
God to put down the mutiny. When asked if he woidd 
become captain of the ship, he said he should consider it his 
duty to accept if he was elected in a peaceable way." 
"Well," says the captain, " have I not appointed fast days ?" 
" I know you have," replied the sailor, " but did not most of 
the people on board of the vessel eat and drink the same as 
any other day, and did we not commence fighting that day 
and get whipped ?" " I shall be willing to resign if you will 
find a better man to take my place," said the captain. A 
meeting of the passengers and crew was held, the resigna- 
tion of the captain accepted, and David Washington elected 
captain. Mr. Washington, on accepting the ofiice of captain, 
made a short addi'ess thanking them for the honor conferred, 



CAUSES, PEOGEESS AND REMEDY. 21 

and asking the prajers of Christians for all those on board 
tlie vessel that they might forgive each other, and that they 
might find the true way to settle their difiicnlties, and that 
he might have vrisdom to direct him in the discharge of the 
difficult duties devolving upon him as commander of the ves- 
sel. The captain then issued the following proclamation : 

On Bo^iKD OF THE Ship Union, 
Bound for the PIaven of Peace. 

Having through divine providence been elected comman- 
der of the ship Union, and finding its condition perilous, 
leaking and liable to be destroyed by the storms that may 
come upon us, and also in danger from pirates, and 

Whereas, There is mutiny on board this vessel, many of 
the passengers and crew refusing to obey its former com- 
mander, by virtue of the authority in me vested, I consider it 
my duty to make the following proclamation : 

All those in mutiny who will return to their allegiance 
within three days will be forgiven, and all the rights and 
privileges of the other passengers restored to them. All 
those who have stolen money or other property will be for- 
given on returning the same. No oaths of allegiance will 
be required. I would respectfully recommend that twelve 
men should be appointed from each party to settle the diffi- 
culties existing between them. 

To-morrow, being Thursday, will be kept as a day of 
fasting and prayer, to gain the favor of that Being who alone 
can direct us aright, and that we may be restored to concord, 
union and peace. Respectfully, 

DAVID WASHmCITON. 

At ten o'clock the next day there was a meeting on deck, 
which was attended by most of the passengers and crew. 
After praying, the captain delivered a short address from the 
gospel of St. Mark, fourth chapter and thirty-ninth verse. 
" And he arose and rebuked the wind and said unto the sea. 
Peace be still, and the wind ceased and there was a great 
calm." The captain said that' Christ and his apostles being 
on board a ship while their master was asleep, a great storm 



22 GREAT REBELLION. 

of wind arose, greatly endangering the safety of the vessel. 
Those on board, wishing for some one to save them, went and 
awoke one not skilled in navigation, but who had travelled 
about in a humble capacity doing good, healing the sick and 
performing miracles, a man of faith and prayer. The dan- 
ger of a shipwreck was so great from the severity of the 
storm, that they called Jesus, saying, ' Master save or we 
perish.' And he arose and rebuked the wind, and said 
peace be still. At his voice the wind hushed itself in silence, 
the waves ceased their rolling, and there was a great calm. 
While we are in danger from storms and also in danger from 
pirates, we are madly destroying ourselves, and unless we 
stop we shall soon be unable to resist the pirates or withstand 
the storms that may come upon us. Auger, malice and re- 
venge has taken possession of many of the hearts of those 
whom I have the honor to address. 1 have been deeply 
grieved at the corruption, lying and stealing on board of 
this vessel, I feel it deeply our duty to gain the assistance 
of the Divine Being, who alone can assist us in this time of 
trouble and distress. The dangers through which we have 
passed have made the most of you see and feel the necessity 
of fasting and prayer at this time, Natio.is, communities 
and individuals who have sinned and incurred the displeas- 
ure of God, and have been visited with his just judgments, 
have by repentance, fasting and prayer been again received 
into the divine favor, and their afflictions removed. In the 
present assembly are many professing Christians. What 
does the Bilile say 'i — ' Except ye have the spirit of Christ ye 
are none of his." Have we that spirit of love, charity, 
meekness and forgiveness that Christ taught us l)y his words 
and example ? If we have, let us come together again, for- 
getting the past and forgiving each other, and may that 
Being who alone can calm the troubled sea or the wicked 
passions of the human heart, speak peace to all on board of 
this vessel, and may love, charity and friendship find an 
abiding place in each heart, and may the smiles of a recon- 
ciled God rest upon us. 



CAUSES, PROGRESS AND REMEDY. 23 

The day was kept in a becoming manner by most of the 
passengers and crew. A meeting was held by those in mu- 
tiny to consider what was best to be done. One man said 
he thought it best to carry out what they had commenced, 
and that he should rather be taken by pirates than to sub- 
mit to the captain of the vessel. Another man remarked 
that one of their wisest men had told them that they had no 
real cause for secession, and if they did, it would bring 
destruction upon them. This had proved true, and when he 
thought of the precious lives sacrificed, the hardships and 
misery they had endured, it made him feel sad to think liow 
unwisely they had acted. He would never counsel them to 
submit to pirates, as he had always found that pirates took 
the li(_>n''s share of the spoils. Whatever objections they had 
to the proceedings of the old captain, the new commander 
had ottered to forgive them and restore them their rights and 
privileges, and he had been told that he was a good man and 
could be depended upon. What more could they ask ? 
Would they continue in darkness and misery when there 
was a way of light and happiness^ He would move that a 
committee of twelve should be appointed, according to the 
(captain's proclamation, to confer with the same number 
from the other party, a^id to settle the dilHculties existing 
between them. This motion was seconded and carried by a 
large majority. The committee was duly chosen, and with 
the same numl)er elected from the other party, assembled in 
one of the state rooms. The ca})tain was chosen chairman, 
and offered a fervent prayer that they might be guided 
aright in their deliberations. After debating for some time, 
many perplexing questions and difficulties arising between 
them, they arranged the terms of settlement. The passengers 
then assembled on deck and congratulated each other on the 
return of peace '^ A revival soon occurred which was the 
means of making many of the passengers and crew truly 
happy. They suffered from the want of provisions, and dis- 
ease carried off many of the passengers. A purse of gold 
M'as collected for the captain from the passengers, who, on 



24 GKEAT REBELLION. 

presenting it, said it was a token of their regard and esteem 
for his eiforts in securing peace. The captain said it was 
only through divine providence they had secured this bless- 
ing, and to God belonged all the honor and glory. He 
would accept of no extra compensation when there was so 
much misery around him, and that he would add his portion, 
and recommend that a fund should be provided for the sup- 
port of the widows and orphans. This was agreed to, and 
was the means of relieving many of the destitute and needy. 

The following is the oath of office taken by the President 
of the United States : — 

" I do solemnly swear, or affirm, that I will faithfully exe- 
cute the office of President of the United States, and will, to 
the best of my ability, preserve, protect and defend the con- 
stitution of the United States." 

The oath of the President clearly defines his duties, to pro- 
tect and defend the Constitution. If he does not aliide by it 
he is clearly gu^ilty of a great crime. War is not a sufficient 
excuse for disregarding it. If he does not regard and protect 
the Constitution, his example will be followed by others, who 
will disregard his laws. In regard to treason, the Constitu- 
tion has the following : — " Treason against the United States 
shall consist only in levying war against the United States, 
or, adhering to their enemies, giving them aid or comfort. 
No jjersoyi sliall he convicted of treason, unless on the testi- 
mony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or confession in 
open court." Article sixth. Amendment, says : — "In all crim- 
inal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy 
and public trial by an impartial jury of the State and district 
wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district 
shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be in- 
formed of the nature and cause of the accusation, to be con- 
fronted with the witnesses against him, to have compulsory 
process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the 
assistance of counsel in his defense." In view of these facts 
in relation to the Constitution, what defense has this admin- 
istration for arresting persons, and confining them in distant 
prisons for months without any trial ? 



CAUSES, PROGRESS AND REMEDY. 25 

" The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be 
suspended, unless when in rebellion or invasion the public 
safety require it." Is it not common sense to say, that the 
privilege of the writ of habeas corpus was only to be suspend- 
ed in cases of actual rebellion or invasion where the civil law 
was not respected, nor its requirements complied with by the 
people. What has this administration to say in its defence 
for its suspension in States where the civil law was respected 
and obeyed? 

Article First of the Amendment says, " Congress shall 
make no law respecting the establishment of religion, or pro- 
hibiting the free exercise thereof, or abridging the freedom of 
speech, or of the press, or of the right of the people peaceably 
to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of 
grievances." What has this administration to say in its de- 
fense for its abridgement of the freedom of speech, its sup- 
pression of newspapers, for its carrying elections in loyal 
States at the point of the bayonet, and for its rigid orders in 
respect to the people assembling for public worship ? 

" ISTew States may be admitted by the Union into Congress, 
but no new State shall be formed or erected within the juris- 
diction of au}^ other State, nor any State be formed by the 
junction of tAvo or more States, or parts of States, without 
the consent of the Legislatures concerned, as well as of Con- 
gress ? " What defense has administration to make for trying 
to govern States with one tenth of the population ? Would 
the submission of nine tenths, if it could l)e accomplished 
with the exercise of military power, give those States a re- 
publican form of government ? 

In the treaties of peace with Great Britain, 1782 and 3, it 
was provided that " His Britannic Majesty acknowledges the 
said United States, namely, New Hampshire, Massachusetts 
Bay, Rhode Island and Providence plantations, Connecti- 
cut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Vir- 
ginia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Greorgia, to be 
free, sovereign and independent States." In the former Con- 
stitution of the State of New York is the following : "Article 

First. This Convention, therefore, in the name and in the au- 

4 



26 GREAT REBELLION. 

thority of the good people of this State, doth ordain, determine 
and declare, that no authority, on any pretence whatever, be 
exercised over the people or members of this State, but such 
as shall be derived from and granted by them." Article fifth 
of the Amendment to the Constitution says : " No person 
shall be deprived of life, liberty or property without due pro- 
cess of law." Article tenth : " The powers not delegated to 
the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it 
to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to 
the people." "While they wished for a national government, 
they did not obliterate State lines, or surrender the most sa- 
cred rights of life and property to its entire (iontrol. 

The founders of the Constitution, and the fathers of the re- 
public carefully respected State rights, and boldly advocated 
the doctrine — that the national Government should be one 
of conciliation and friendship for all the States. In his inau- 
gural, John Adams said, we should be unfaithful to ourselves 
if we should ever lose sight of our liberties ; if anything par- 
tial or extraneous should affect the purity, free, fair, virtuous 
and independent elections ; and furtlier, that he would pay a 
respectful attention to the constitution of the individual 
States, and a constant caution and delicacy toward State 
Governments. In his inaugural, Thomas Jefferson said, the 
principle upon which he would administer the government 
would be the support of the State Governments in all their 
rights, as the most competetent administration of our do- 
mestic concerns, and the surest bulwarks against anti-repub- 
lican tendencies, the supremacy of the civil over the military 
authority, freedom of the press, and freedom of person under 
the protection of the habeas corpus, and the trial by juries 
impartially selected. James Madison says in his inaugural, 
his policy should be to respect the rights and authorities re- 
served to the States and to the people, as equally incorporated 
with and essential to the general system, to preserve in their 
full energy the salutary provisions in behalf of personal and 
private rights, and of the freedom of the press. Have the 
States no rights under the present Government ? Is it right to 
appoint swarms of officers with large salaries, to collect taxes 



CAUSES, PEOGRKSS AND REMEDY. 27 

whicli might have been collected by officers already selected 
by the people at much less cost ? Is it right to destroy our 
State banks by excessive taxation, and establish others on an 
untried basis without taxation ? 

The history of large issues of irredeemable paper money 
has proved the cause of financial and social ruin. When the 
National Bank failed in 1837, and financial ruin was threat- 
ened, the State banks came to the rescue, and furnished a 
sound currency. Some say, we are growing rich in this war. 
Rich in what ^ Rich in human sacrifices, rich in issuing 
hundreds of millions of greenbacks without specie to redeem 
them? Unless we arouse ourselves to the true situation of 
our country, and elect men for our rulers who think more of 
the prosperity of the nation than of money or office, we shall 
soon be rich in bankruptcy, poverty and ruin. Mr. McCul- 
ough. Comptroller of the United States currency, in a cir- 
cular addressed to the managers of the National Banks . 
throughout the country, says : " Although the loyal States 
appear superficially in a prosperous condition, such is not the 
fact. The nation, whatever may be the external indications, 
is not prospering. Manage the afl"airs of your respective 
banks with a perfect consciousness that the apparent pros- 
perity of the country will be proved to be unreal when the 
war is closed, if not before ; and be prepared by careful man- 
agement of the trust committed to you, to help to save the 
nation from a financial collapse." 

The national Government should be, like that of Wash- 
ington, paternal in its character. What would we think of 
a father whose sons and daughters were settled on farms of 
their own around him, if some would not submit to his au- 
thority, to have him counsel his other children to interfere 
with their families ; and if they continued to disobey him, to 
give orders that their property should be confiscated and their 
homes destroyed. 

In relation to slavery. Chancellor Walworth, and David 
B. Ogden, one of the most able jurists of New York, de- 
clared the immediate emancipation of slavery was a direct 
nullification of the Constitution. On April 22, 1861, Mr. 



28 GREAT KEBELLION. 

Seward, writing to Mr. Dayton, our minister to France, says: 
" The new President, as well as the citizens through whose 
suffrages lie has come into administration, has always repu- 
diated all designs whatever and wherever, imputed to liim 
and them, of disturbing the system of slavery as it exists 
under the Constitution and the laws. The case would not be 
fully presented if I were to omit to say, that any such efibrt 
on his part would be unconstitutional, and all his actions in 
that direction would be prevented by the proper authority, 
even though they were assented to bj^ Congress and the peo- 
ple." Is it wise for this administration to disrespect the Con- 
stitution, the warnings of statesmen, and expect others Mill 
suj^port what they themselves disregard ? 

What is the present condition of the negroes set free in 
this war? Governor Allen of Louisiana says tliat, upon relia- 
ble authority, two thirds of the negroes set free have died, 
and others are returning to their masters sick and emaciated, 
begging to stay and die at home. This is confirmed by many 
similar reports. Is it riglit to sacrifice the life of the white 
man to free the slave, and let him die of disease, or from the 
want of the necessaries of life, and in this way to destroy 
both the whites and blacks ? 

What is the present condition of the country ? After three 
years' war, we find the South unsubdued, with large armies 
and experienced generals, determined to defend their homes 
and rights with the sacrifice of their lives. Of one million 
and a half of men, nearly five hundred thousand have died 
and been killed on the field of battle. The debt of the na- 
tion will soon be from three to four thousand millions. 

In the north discord and division are at work. The polit- 
ical papers abuse each other. Men of diiferent parties taunt 
each other with harsh names, and already many valuable 
lives have been lost bv violence in the north. Wasliinp;ton, 
in his farewell address, says " One of the expedients of party 
to acquire influence is to misrepresent the opinions and aims 
of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much 
against the jealousies and heart-burnings which spring from 
these misrepresentations. They tend to alienate those who 



CAUSES, PKOGBESS AND REMEDY. 29 

should be bound together by paternal aifection." The vener- 
able Henry Clay, in a speech at Raleigh, Xorth Carolina, on 
American politics and parties, April 13,1844, says: "The 
man does not breathe who would be more happy than I 
should be to see all parties united as a band of brothers, to re- 
store our beloved country to what it has been, to what it is 
capable of being, and to what it ever should be — the great 
model of self government, the boast of the enlightened and 
liberal men throughout the world, and by the justice, wisdom 
and benehcence of its operation, the terror and dread of all 
tyrants. I know and deeply deplore the demoralization 
which has so extensively prevailed in our country the past 
few years. It should be to every man who has an American 
heart, the source of the deepest mortification and regret. 
Falsehood and treachery in high places, peculation and fraud 
among public servants, distress, ruin and embarrassment 
among the people, distracted and disheartened at home, and 
treated with contempt and obloquy abroad. I should rejoice 
to see this counti-y once more itself again. 'We have only to 
rally around the institutions and interests of our beloved land, 
regardless of every other consideration, to break, if necessary, 
the chains of party, and rise in the majesty of free men, and 
stand up and do all that is necessary to preserve unimpaired 
the noble inheritance which is our birthright, and sealed to 
us with the blood of our fathers. 

We are already in debt, as a nation, about one quarter of 
the estimated value of the property of the loyal States. Ta- 
king the accumulated debts of States, cities, counties and 
towns into consideration, will not the taxes be sufficient to 
relieve us of what money we have to spare. Let us also re- 
member, the officers and soldiers must be paid and pensioned, 
the widows, orphans and destitute supported. The support 
of religion, education, benevolent institutions, and mission- 
aries will increase our obligations, and give us the opportu- 
nity to bestow our charities with a liberal hand, and to the 
full extent of our wishes. 

Life and property destroyed in war, like ships that foun- 
der and go down to the depths of the ocean, is a total loss. 



30 CAUSES, PKOGEESS AND REMEDY. 

Great must be the loss of that nation who turn their atten- 
tion, from the peaceful acquirements of industry, to the un" 
certainties and ex|)en3es of war. "The martial appearance 
and glittering equipments may please the eye, the music may 
charm the ear, but its expenses are enormous, and it soon ex- 
hausts the wealth of a nation. In the conflict of battle 
thousands are often hurried into eternity unprepared. It 
clothes a nation in mourning, filling it with widows and or- 
phans, and reducing thousands to penury and want. It 
delights in destruction, and close upon its track follow im- 
morality, indolence and crime. Satan delights in dividing 
nations and churches, and in separating communities and 
families. His kingdom is one of desolation, darkness and 
ruin ; his reign one of terror, blood and despair. 

Let us awake to the true condition of our country, and 
may the sunshine of wisdom teach us the true destiny of this 
nation ; and let us pray for the coming of that King and 
Kingdom whose dominion will extend from sea to sea, whose 
judgment and justice will be just and true, and whose reign 
will be one of love, peace, union, righteousness, prosperity 
and happiness! Let us carefully consider the following 
propositions : 

First Proposition, — Kesolved, That God is the Supreme 
Ruler of Nations, and we should, by tru-e repentance, fast- 
ing and prayer seek to gain his favor, that through his bless- 
ing we may be restored to peace and union. In support 
of this proposition, I would present the Bible, hoping that 
many who have neglected in this time of excitement and war 
to peruse it, will again read and practise its sacred truths. 

Second Proposition. — Resolved, That the Constitution is 
the supreme law of the nation, and any officer of the Gov- 
ernment, or other person, violating it by going contrary to 
its plain statements, is guilty of a great crime. Honorable 
Roger B. Taney, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the 
United States, says : " The Government of the United States 
is one of delegated and limited powers. It derives its exist- 
ence and authority from the Constitution, an neither of its 
branches, executive, legislative or judicial, can exercise any 



GREAT REBELLION. 31 

of the powers bejond those granted ; for the tenth article of 
the Amendments to the Constitution in express terms pro- 
vides, that the powers not delegated to the United States by 
the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, is reser- 
ved to the States respectively." Let those who are not satis- 
fied with Chief Justice Taney's decision, read the opinions 
and decisions of the most eminent statesmen and jurists this 
country has produced. 

Third Proposition. — Resolved, That the States, as sove- 
reigns, have rights which were not surrendered at the forma- 
tion of the Constitution, which rights the United States have 
no power to infringe. One of these rights was the right of 
the people to govern their own States respectively, and to 
manage their own internal aifairs. In the Convention that 
framed the Constitution, May 31, 1787, this clause came up 
for consideration, authorizing the exertion of the force of the 
whole against a delinquent State. Mr. Madison opposfed it- 
in a brief and eloquent speech. He said the use of force 
against a State would look more like a declaration of war 
than an infliction of punishment, and would probably be 
considered by the party attacked a dissolution of all previous 
compacts. Did the framers act wisely when they would not 
grant the power in the Constitution to subjugate delinquent 
States by force of arms ? Let the present unhappy state of 
our republic answer the question. Is this Union, which has 
been one of friendship and conciliation, now to be cemented 
with blood, and bound together in the iron grasp of despot- 
ism. If you are determined to do this, boasting sons of the 
North, remember that we may sacrifice thousands more of 
valuable lives and hundreds of millions more of aaoney, before 
it is accomplished. Hamilton said the fabric of American 
empire must rest on the solid basis of the consent of the 
people. 

Fourth Proposition. — Resolved, That the President, ad- 
ministration, and Congress, by tlieir acts, have disregarded 
and exceeded the powers granted them by the Constitution. 
From the earliest history of common law, if a person was 
imprisoned, no matter by what authority, he had a right to 



32 CAUSES, PEOGRESS AND REMEDY. 

the writ of habeas corpus, to bring his case before the King's 
Bench ; and if no special offence was charged against him in 
the warrant of commitment, he was entitled to be forthwith 
discharged. Blackstone, in his Commentaries, vol. I., p. 137, 
says : "To make imprisonment lawful, it must either be by 
process from the courts of judicature, or by warrant from 
some legal officer having authority to commit to prison." 
Chief Justice Taney says that the President has no power to 
arrest any one charged with an offence against the United 
States, and whom he may, from the evidence before him, be- 
lieve to be guilty ; nor can he authorize any officer, civil or 
military, to exercdse this power. For the fifth Article of the 
Amendments to the Constitution expressly provides that no 
person shall be deprived of life, liberty or property without 
due process of law, that is, judicial process. If the privilege 
of the writ of habeas corpus was suspended by Congress, and 
a pfirty not subject to the rules and articles of war was ar- 
rested and imprisoned by regular judicial process, he could 
not be detained in prison, or brought to trial before a military 
tribunal. For the sixth article of the Amendments provides 
that, in all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the 
right of a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury, in the 
State and district wherein the crime shall have been commit- 
ted. Mr. Seward says that if Mr. Lincoln, Congress and the 
people should interfere with slavery, the proper authority 
— meaning the Constitution — would set them right. Many 
other eminent statesmen are of the same opinion. Does war 
destroy the Constitution ? By no means. Why, then, are 
we trying to make thousands swear to support it ? If we 
had regarded its provisions, can any one doubt that we would 
have been in a far better situation ? The framers of the Con- 
stitution, by not giving us the power to coerce States, and 
inserting the clause that no appropriation for war should be 
for more than two years, might have intended to have kept 
us from those long wars that have destroyed other nations. 
Rome, onoe the mistress of the world, before whose religious 
and political power empires trembled, and kings bowed them- 
selves in humble submission to her authority, enervated by 



GREAT BEBELLION. 33 

luxury and weakened by internal divisions, has had her pride 
humbled and her power trampled in the dust by other na- 
tions. Will not the examples of other nations teach us wis- 
dom ? or shall we despise their important lessons and destroy 
ourselves ? 

America, new-born child of destiny! whose growth has 
astonished the world, whose genius has subdued the light- 
nings of heaven, and made them serve the purpose of trans- 
mitting intelligence and knowledge ; whose advancement in 
agriculture, the arts and sciences, are a beacon light to others, 
the home of the exile and the unfortunate — wilt thou destroy 
thyself? If we continue this work of self-destruction, let this 
statue be executed by our best artists : two brothers sheath- 
ing their swords in each other's hearts, and dying in each 
other's arms. Place it on the dome of the capitol ; it will 
be a true monument of our folly, and the lesson it teaches 
will be deeper than words engraved in marble. What is one 
suicide, compared with a nation's ? the death of two brothers, 
compared with hundreds and thousands ? Where is the wis- 
dom of this administration in adopting a policy that will 
unite the north, gain friends at the south, and restore the 
Union ? 

Where is its economy of life and treasure ? When the 
pestilence was at Norfolk in 1855, donations of money were 
sent, and physicians went to aid the sufferers, from the north. 
We now see those who who so nobly extended aid to suffer- 
ing humanity, not content that pestilence and disease should 
do the work of death, destroying each other by thousands. 
Officers that were educated at West Point for the defense of 
the country are fighting each other. 

This fierce internal war has already greatly injured the 
financial, commercial, agricultural and social interests of the 
country. Considering the hostile attitude of the South, shall 
we increase our armies, and hurl them, with the fury of 
demons against each other ? Are we willing to reduce our- 
selves to the condition of beggars, in order to destroy the 
South? work like slaves to support standing armies, and send 
the rest of the men to recruit them, liable to be destroyed by 
5 « 



34 CATTSES, PKOGEESS AND KEMEDY, 

insurrections and the unhealthy influences of the climate. Is 
it indeed Christians that get down on their knees and repeat 
the Lord's Prayer, and then take their guns and go and shoot 
their neighbors, confiscate their property, and leave their 
wives and families to starve, and console themselves by say- 
■ ing, this is a Christian war ? Let us remember, unless we 
quickly repent we shall be severely punished. 

Already incendiary fires light with their lurid glare the 
darkness of night, destroying our cities and villages. Men 
are secretly plotting the destruction of our homes and happi- 
ness. Let us be careful before we uncover more fully the 
volcano of human passions, filled with the lava of certain 
destruction. Let us stop on the brink of the precipice, and 
retrace our steps. 

The only way to save us is true repentance, gaining assist- 
ance from Lleaven, electing new men to oflice who will adopt 
difierent measures, and having a more Christian and concili- 
atory spirit in the newspapers, politicians and people. Could 
not a Convention of States be called of those who are willing 
to settle the difficulties between the States on honorable terms? 
Citizens of the South ! cannot we meet together, and settle our 
difficulties amicably, and be again united ? Daniel Webster, in 
regard to the division of one of the great branches of the Chris- 
tian Church, which was caused by differences of opinion in 
regard to slavery, says : " I have read all their proceedings and 
all of their arguments, and I have never been able to come 
to the conclusion that there was any real ground of separation. 
I must say that I think there was some want of candor and 
charity." 

General Jackson, in his Farewell Address, says : " But the 
Constitution cannot be maintained , nor the Union preserved, 
in opposition to the public feeling, by the mere exertion of 
the coercive powers confided to the General Government. 
The foundation must be laid in the affections of the people, 
in the security it gives to liie, liberty, character and property 
in every quarter of the country, and in the fraternal attach- 
ments which the citizens of the several States bear one anoth- 
er as members of one political family, mutually contributing 

• 



GREAT REBELLION. 35 

to promote the happiness of each other. Hence the citizens 
of every State should studiously avoid everything calculated 
to wound the sensibility, or offend the just pride of people of 
other States ; and they should frown upon any proceedings 
within their own borders, likely to disturb the tranquility of 
their political brethren in other portions of the Union. In 
a country so extensive as the United States, and with pur- 
suits so varied, the internal regulations of the several States 
must frequently differ from each other in important particu- 
lars. And this difference is unavoidably increased by the vary- 
ing principles upon which the American colonies were origin- 
ally planted, principles which had taken deep root in their 
social relations before the Revolution, and therefore of neces- 
sity-influencing their policy since they became free and inde- 
pendent States. But each State has the unquestionable right 
to regulate its own internal concerns according to its own 
pleasure ; and while it does not interfere with the rights of 
other States, or the rights of the Union, every State must be 
the sole judge of the measures proper to secure the safety of 
its citizens, and promote their happiness ; and all efforts on 
the part of people of other States to cast odium upon their 
institutions, and all measures calculated to disturb their rio-hts 
of property, or to put in jeopardy their peace and internal 
tranquility are in direct opposition to the spirit in which the 
Union was formed, and must endanger its safety. Motives 
of philanthropy may be assigned for this unwarrantable in- 
terference, and weak men may persuade themselves for a 
moment that they are laboring in the cause of humanity, and 
asserting the rights of the human race; but everyone, on 
sober reflection, will see that nothing but mischief can come 
from these improper assaults upon the feelings and rights of 
others. Rest assured that men found busy in this work of 
discord are not worthy of your confidence, and deserve your 
strongest reprobation." 

Washington said that the government that did not main, 
tain all in the tranquil rights of person and property was 
little else than a name. We cannot separate this nation 
without being still exposed to the miseries of war, and hav- 



36 CAUSES, PROGRESS AND REMEDY. 

ing for our winding sheet the star-spangled banner red with 
the blood of its own citizens. Are we determined to go to 
the devil, and be his willing servants ? If not, why such 
animosity between political parties? why such bitter and 
sarcastic language in the newspapers, to inflame the minds of 
the people ? Why cultivate pharisaical righteousness with 
the spirit of anger and revenge, instead of true righteousness 
with the spirit of love and forgiveness ? Blessed are the 
peacemakers, for they shall be called the children of God. 
(Christ's Sermon on the Mount.) Follow peace with all men, 
and holiness, without which no man shall see the Lord, 
(Hebrews, xii: 14.) 

Governor Brown, of Georgia, says in his late Message: 
" Mr. Lincoln has declared that Georgia and other States are 
in rebellion to the Federal Government. In authorising 
war, he did not seek to restore the Union under the Consti- 
tution as it was, by confining the Government to a sphere of 
limited powers. They have taken one hundred thousand 
neorroes, which have cost them half a million of lives and 
four thousand millions of dollars, and now seek to repudiate 
•self-government, subjugate southern people, and confiscate 
their property. The statement of Mr. Lincoln, that we ofi'er 
no terms of adjustment, is made an artful pretext that it is 
impossible to say when the war will terminate, but negotia- 
tion, and not the sword, will finally terminate it. We should 
keep before the northern people the idea, tliat we are ready 
to settle when they are ready, and will recognize our right 
to self-government and the sovereignty of States." 

Mr. Lincoln, in his inaugural, after reading the resolution 
passed at the Chicago Convention (see p. 33), said : " I now 
reiterate these sentiments, and, in doing so, only press upon 
the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which 
the case is susceptible, that the property, peace and security 
of no section are to be in any case endangered by the now 
incoming administration. I add, too, that all the protection 
that, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be 
given will be cheerfully given to all the States, when law- 
fully demanded, for whatever cause, as cheerfully to one 



GEEAT REBELLION. 37 

section as to another. The power confided to me will be 
used to hold, occupy and possess the property and places 
belonging to the Government, and collect the duties and 
imports; but beyond what may be necessary for these ob- 
jects, there will be no invasion nor using of force against or 
among the people anywhere. Where hostility to the United 
States may be so great and so universal as to prevent com- 
petent resident citizens from holding the federal ofiices, there 
will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the 
people for that object." 

In regard to the suppression of the President's Amnesty 
Proclamation, the Richmond Enqiiirer says : " It is utterly 
false. The Enquirer published it in full. So did every daily 
paper. It was exactly the proclamation we wanted Mr. Lin- 
coln to make. It was a full and complete confirmation of all 
we have charged upon Mr. Lincoln. It demonstrated by 
confession we were correct when we told the people of the 
Confederate States that the subjugation of their liberties was 
to be effected by a degradation to a level with their slaves. 
It shocked the sensibilities of every class of the people, and 
was satisfactory evidence that not social ruin, but the outrage 
of mothers, wives and sisters by brutalized negroes were the 
terms, and the only terms, of amnesty offered." 

What would we think of a school-teacher who failed to 
govern his school, many of his scholars fighting each other, 
and the rest angry, calling each other harsh names ? Would 
we say it was wise for him to continue his school, and we 
should hire him for another term ? On the contrary, would 
we not turn him out, and hire some one who could manage 
and control the school ? What is one school compared to a 
nation? its order and wise management compared to the 
happiness and prosperity of millions under a good Govern- 
ment? 

When Mr. Lincoln was in Congress, he made a speech 
from which we quote : " Any people any where, being incli- 
ned and having the power, have a right to rise up and shake 
off the existing Government, and form a new one that suits 
them better. This is a most valuable and sacred right, a 



CAUSES, PK0GRES8 AND KEMEDY. 38 

right which we hope and believe is to liberate the world. 
Nor is the right confined to cases in which the whole people 
of an existing Government may choose to exercise it. Any 
portion of such people that can, may revolutionize and make 
their own of so much territory as they inhabit. More than 
this, a majority of any such portion may revolutionize the 
other portion of such people, putting down the minority, 
intermingled with or near about them, who may oppose their 
movements." (Appendix to the Congressional Glohe, 1847-8, 
p. 9-i.) Considering the nine hundred and forty thousand 
votes as a conservative majority against him at the time of 
his election, can any one doubt that there is a large majority, 
taking the United States together, opposed to the policy of 
Mr. Lincoln? While we would not uphold Mr. Lincoln's 
theory of revolution by force of arms, we do say that it is 
wise to prevent riots and bloodshed by a policy and measures 
that give confidence to the people, and keep them quiet. Let 
us break party lines, sacrifice ambition, pride and every self- 
ish interest in the great duty of saving our country from in- 
surrection, blood and murder in the north, and our cities and 
villages from being destroyed by incendiaries. 

Fifth Proposition. — Resolved, That if our rulers will not 
learn wisdom from ^ the past ; if they have disregarded the 
Constitution ; if they are not satisfied with the destruction of 
life, property and happiness ; if they think more of money 
and ofiice than the welfare of the nation, when we are in dan- 
ger of complete anarchy, when our lives are in jeopardy and 
our homes in danger of being destroyed ; we have a most sa- 
cred right to rise in the majesty of freemen, and, uniting all 
parties in the great and noble cause of saving our nation 
from destruction, by conventions and other peaceful means, 
place those in power who will, by wise measures and a con- 
ciliatory policy, restore us to peace, concord and union. 

Sixth Proposition. — Resolved, Let the Government formed 
remember that it will be held responsible by this nation to 
abide by the Constitution ; that its ofiice is one of friendship 
and reconciliation between the States ; that it must respect 
State rights, and also the rights of the people ; and that dif- 



39 GREAT REBELLION, 

ficTilties between the Slates must be settled by conventions 
and arbitration, instead of war. 

Seventh Proposition. — Resolved, That, by acknowledging 
the sovereign right of States to govern and control their own 
internal affairs, which was reserved to thein by the Constitu- 
tion, with the blessing of Providence, and the white banner 
of peace waving with the stars and stripes, we can form a 
Union that will soon teach the nations of the earth that our 
rights on this continent and our commerce on the ocean must 
be respected. We warn those who have trampled on the 
Constitution and the laws, who have filled our land with de- 
struction, desolation, widows and orphans, for the purpose of 
gaining political power, given us greenbacks in place of gold, 
poverty in place of wealth, that this people may yet awake 
from their slumbers, and their united voices, like the distant 
roar of the mighty ocean, must be heard and obeyed. 

I have sometimes thought, why not leave my native land, 
and seek a foreign home ? Why have so much care and anx- 
iety in trying to save the nation from destruction ? Base in- 
deed must be the man who would desert his country in the hour 
of need and time of imminent peril. When its death knells are 
tolled by church bells, its funeral sermons preached by min- 
isters, her statesmen and politicians teach that it is right for 
one part of the nation to destroy the other, and involve the 
whole nation in ruin. Armed with the powers of truth and 
the Constitution, I will defend the lives and liberties of the 
people. 

When the fierce storms of human passions and suicidal 
blindness are swiftly driving the ship of state, with broken 
rudder and shattered sails, to destruction, I will warn yon 
with the words to be engraved on your monument — The 
American Union destroyed itself. The Constitution framed 
by our fathers, formed by concessions between the States, and 
cemented with friendship, is the only sure guide and compass 
to direct the once noble ship of state through the storms and 
away from the rocks and quicksands that threaten to destroy 
us. 



CAUSES, PEOGEESS AND EEMEDT, 40 

If Washington, the Father of his Conntry, should again 
visit his beloved land, would he not exclaim, Sons of Eevo- 
lutionary heroes, the heritage, blessings and privileges you 
enjoy were purchased with the blood of your fathers. My 
children, brothers and sisters of the same family, stop thia 
wicked war. The human sacrifices already ofiered on the 
altar of sectional strife, ambition and the wicked passions of 
the human heart, have veiled your land in mourning, and 
covered it with desolation and misery. May the time soon 
come when we shall again embrace each other as brothers ; 
when ministers shall preach the true doctrines of love, char- 
ity and forgiveness ; when statesmen shall defend the laws 
and Constitution, instead of destroying them ; and when the 
blessings of peace shall cover the desolate blight of suicidal 
war. 

I remain, fellow citizens of the United States, 
Respectfully yours, 
TIMOTHY WASHINGTON HOLBROOK, 

GrENESEO, Liv. Co., N. Y., 
Wednesday, April 13, 1864. 



CONSTITUTION. •fife 



THE 



CONSTITUTION 



UNITED STATES. 



If Tve ^wx>v^lcl preserve our liberties and restore the Union, -we 
xxiust regard, tlie Constitution as a sacred compact bet-ween. States. 



We, the Pet»pk of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union , 
establish justice, ensure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defence, 
promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves 
and our posterity, do ordain and establish this constitution for the United 
States of America. 

ARTICLE l.-'Sectlo7i ]. 

1. All legislative powers lierein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the 
the United States, which shall consist of a senate and house of i-epresentatives. 

Section 2. 

1. Tlie house of representatives shall be composed of members chosen every 
second year bj^ the people of the several states; and the electors in each state 
shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch 
of the state legislature. 

2. No person shall be a representative who shall not have attained to the 
age of twenty-five years, and been seven years a citizen of the United States, 
and who .shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that state in which he 
shall be chosen. 

3. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several 
states which may be included witiiiii thi.s Union, according to their respective 
numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free 
persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding 
Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons. The actual enumeration 
shall be made within three years after the first meeting of the Congress of the 
United Stales, and within every subsequent term of ten years, in such man- 
ner as- they shall by law direct. The number of ropreBentatives shall not 



43 CONSTITUTION OF 

exceed one for every thirty thousand, but each state shall have at least one 
represent.itive ; and until such enumeration shall be made the state of New 
Hampshire shall be entitled to choose three ; Massachusetts, eight; Rhode 
Island and Providence Plantations, one ; Connecticut, five; New York, six ; 
New Jersey, four ; Pennsylvania, eight ; Delaware, one ; Maryland, six ; Vir- 
ginia, ten ; North Carolina, five ; Sonth Carolina, five ; and Georgia, three. 

4. Wlien vacancies happen in tiie representation from any state, the execu- 
tive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies. 

5. The house of representatives shall choose their speaker and other officers, 
and shall have the sole power of inipcachiiient. 

Section 3. 

1. The senate of the United States shall be composed of two senators from 
each state, chosen by the legislature thereof, for six years ; and each senator 
shall have one vote. 

2. Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the first 
election; they shall be divided as equally as maybe into three classes. The 
seats of the senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the 
second year, of the second class at the expiration of the fourth year, and of 
the third class at the expiration of the sixth year, so that one-third may be 
chosen every second year ; and if vacancies happen, by resignatiwn or ollier- 
wise, during the recess of the legislature of any state, the executive thereof 
may make temporary appointments until the next meeting of the legislature, 
which shall then fill such vacancies. 

3. No person sliall be a senator who shall not have attained the age of thirty 
years and been nine years a citizen of the Unitt^d States, and who shall not, 
when elected, be an inhabitant of that state for which he shall be cliosen. 

4. The vice-president of the United States shall be president of the Senate, 
but shall have no vote unless they be equally divided. 

5. The senate shall choose their other officers, and also a president pro tem- 
pore in the absence of the vice-president, or when he shall exercise the ofiice 
of president of the United States. 

6. The senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. When 
sitting for that purpose they shall be on oath or aflirmation. When the pres- 
ident of the United States is tried, the chief justice shall preside; and no 
person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two-tliirds of the members 
present. 

7. Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than to removal 
from oflice, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any oflice of honor, trust or 
profit under the United States ; but the party convicted shall nevertheless be 
liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment and punishment, according 
to law. 

Section 4. 

1. The times, places and manner of holding elections for senators and rep- 
resentatives, shall be prescribed in each state by the legislature thereof; but 
the congress may at any time, by law, make or alter such regulations, except 
as to the places of choosing senators. 

2. The congress shall assemble at least once in every year ; and such meet- 
ing shall be on the first Monday of December, unless they shall by law 
appoiat a di&rent day. 



THE UNITED STATES. #^ 

Section 5. 

1. Each house shall be the judsje of the elections, returns and qualifications 
of its own members, and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do 
business ; but a smaller number may adjourn fiom day to day, and may be 
authorized to compel the attendance of absent members, in such manner and 
under such penalties as each house may provide. 

2. Each house >nay determine the rule of its proceedings, punish its members 
for disorderly behavior, and with the concurrence of two-tJiirds, expel a 
member. 

3. Each house shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from time to 
publish the same, excepting such parts as may in their judgment require 
secresy ; and the yeas and nays of the members of either house on any ques- 
tion, shall, at the desire of one-fifth of those present, be entered on the journal. 

4. Neither house during the session of congress, shall, without the consent 
of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that 
in which the two houses shall be sitting. 

Section 6. 

1. The senators and representatives shall receive a compensation for their 
services, to be ascertained by law and paid out of the treasury of the United 
States. They shall in all cases, except treason, felony, and breach of the peace, 
be privileged from arrest during their attendance at the session of their respec- 
tive houses, and in going to and returning from the same; and for any speech 
or debate in either Jiouse, they shall not be questioned in any other place. 

2. No senator or representative shall, during the time for which he was 

elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the United 

States, which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have 

been increased, during such time ; and no person holding any office under the 

United States shall be a member of either house during his continuance in 

office. 

Section 7. 

1. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the house of representa- 
tives ; but the senate may propose or concur with amendments, as on other 
bills. 

2. Every bill which shall have passed the house of reprc-entatives and the 
senate, shall, before it becomes a law, be presented to tlie president of the United 
States ; if he approve, lie shall sign it ; but if not, he shall return it Avith his 
objections to that house in which it shall have originated; who shall enter the 
objections at large on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If, after such 
reconsideration, two-thirds of that house shall agree to pass the bill, it shall 
be sent, together with the objections, to the other house, by which it shall like- 
wise be reconsidered ; and if approved by two-thirds of that house, it 
shall become a law. But in all cases, the votes of both houses shall be deter- 
mined by yeas and nays, and the names of the persons voting for and against 
the bill shall be entered on the journal of each house respectively. If any 
bill shall not be returned by the president within ten days (Sundays excepted) 
after it shall have been presented to him, the same shall be a law in like man- 
ner as if he had signed it, unless the congress by their adjournment prevent 
its return, in which case it shall not be a law. 



44 CONSTITUTION OF 

3. Every order, resolution or vote, to which the concurrence of the senate 
and house of representatives may be necessary, (except on a question of ad- 
journtneiit,) shall be presented to the presidentof the United Slates; and be- 
fore the same shall take effect, shall be approved by him ; or being disap- 
proved by him, sjjall be repassed by two-tliirds of the senate and house of 
representatives, according to the rules and limitations prescribed in the case 

of a bill. 

Section 8. 

Tlie congress shall have powei- — 

1. To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises ; to pay the debts, 
and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States ; 
but all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United 
States ; 

2. To borrow money on the credit of the United States ; 

3. To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several states, 
and with the Indian tribes ; 

4. To establish an uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on the 
subject of bankruptcies throughout tlie United States ; 

5. To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix 
the standard of weights and measures ; 

6. To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and cur- 
rent coin of the United States. 

7. To establish post-offices and post-roads; 

8. To promote the progiess oi science and useful arts, by securing for 
limited times to authors and inventors, the exclusive right to their respective 
writings and discoveries ; 

9. To contsitute tribunals inferior to the supreme court ; to define and pun- 
ish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and offences against the 
law of nations ; 

10. To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules 
concerning captures on land and water ; 

11. To raise and support armies ; but no appropriation of money to that use 
shall be a for a longer lerm than two years ; 

12. To provide and maintain a navy ; 

13. To make rules for tiie government and regulation of the land and naval 
forces ; 

14. To provide for calling fortli tlie militia to execute the laws of the union, 
suppress insurrections, and lepel invasions ; 

15. To provide for organizing, arming and disciplining the militia, and for 
governing sucli part of them as may be employed in the service of tlie United 
States; reserving to the states respectively the appointment of the officers, 
and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed 
by congress ; 

16. To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such dis- 
trict (not exceeding ten miles square) as may. by cession of particular states 
and the acceptance of congress, become the seat of government of the United 
States ; and to exercise like authority over all places purchased, by the consent 
of the legislature of the state in which .the same shall be, for the erection of 
forte, inagazined, arsfenals, d6ck yanls, and other netdful buildings ,' — and, 



THE UNITED STATES. 45 

17. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into 
execution the foregoing powers, and all otlier powers vested by this constitution 
in the government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof. 

Section 9. 

1. The inigiation or importation of siicli persons as any of the states now 
existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the congress 
prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight ; but a tax or duty 
may be imposed on such importation not exceeding ten dollars for each person. 

2. Tiie privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless 
when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it 

3. No bill of aitainder, or ex post facia law shall be passed. 

4. No capitation or other direct tax shall be laid, unless in proporption to 
the census or enuniei-alion herein before directed to be taken. 

5. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any state. No 
preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue to the 
ports of one state over those of another ; nor shall vessels bound to or from 
one state be obliged to enter, clear or pay duties in another. 

6. No money shall be drawn from the treasury, but in consequence of ap- 
propriations made by law ; and a regular statement of the receipts and expen- 
ditures of all public money shall be published from time to time. 

7. No title of nobility shall be granted by the United Slates ; and no per- 
son holding any office of profit or trust under them, shall, without the consent 
of the congress, acce]jt of any present, emolument, office or title of any kind 
whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state. 

Section 10. 

1. No state shall enter into any treaty, alliance or confederation ; grant let- 
ters of marque and reprisal; coin money ; emit bills of credit; make any- 
thing but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts ; pass any bill of 
aitainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts; or 
grant any title of nobility. 

2. No state shall, without the consent of the congress, lay any impost or 
duties on imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for 
executing its inspection laws ; and the nett produce of all duties and imposts 
laid by any state on imports or exports, shall be for the use of the Treasury 
of the United States, and all such laws shall be subject to the revision and 
control of the congress. No state shall, without the consent of congress, lay 
any duty of tonnage, keep troops or ships of war in time of peace, enter into 
any agreement or compact with another state, or with a foreign power, or 
engage in war. unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will 
not admit of delay. 

ARTICLE II.— Section 1. 

1. The executive power shall be vested in a president of the United States 
of America. He shall hold his office during the term of four years ; and, 
together with the vice-president, chosen for the same term, be elected as 
follows : 

2. Each state shall appoint, in such manner as the legislature thereof may 
direct, a number trf' electors eiqual to the whole number of senatorB or repre- 



46 CONSTITUTION OF 

sentatives to which the state may be entitled in the congress ; but no senator 
or representative, or person holding an office of trust or proiit under the United 
States, shall be appointed an elector. 

3. The electors sliall meet in their respective states, and vote by ballot 
for two persons, of whom one at least shall not bean inhabitant of the same 
state with themselves. And they shall make a list of all the persons voted 
for, and of the number of votes for each ; which list they shall sign and certify 
and transmit sealed to the seat of government of the United States, directed 
to the president of the senate. The president of the senate shall, in the pres- 
ence of the senate and house of representatives, open all the certificates, and 
the votes shall then be counted. The person having the greatest number of 
votes shall be the president, if such number be a majority of the wliole num- 
ber of electors appointed ; and if there he more than one Avho have such ma- 
jority, and have an equal number of votes, then the house of representatives 
shall immediately choose, by ballot, one of them for president ; and if no per- 
son have a majority, then from the five highest on the list; the said house 
shall in like manner, choose the president. But in choosing the president the 
votes shall be taken by states, the representation fiom each state having 
one vote ; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members 
from two-thirds of the states, and a majority of all the states shall be neces- 
sary to a choice. In every case, after the choice of the president, the person 
having the greatest number of votes of the electors shall be the vice-president. 
But if there should remain two or more who have equal votes, the senate shall 
choose from them, by ballot, the vice-president. 

4. The congress may determine the time of choosing the electors, and the 
day on which they shall give their votes, which day shall be the same through- 
out the United States. 

5. No person, except a natviral born citizen, or a citizen of the United States 
at the time of the adoption of this constitution, shall be elligible to the office 
of president ; neither shall any peison be elligible to that office who shall not 
have attained to the age of thirty-five years, and been fourteen years a resi- 
dent within the United States. 

6. In case of the removal of the president from office, or of his death, resig- 
nation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of the said office, the 
same shall devolve on the vice-president; and the congress may, by law, pro- 
vide for the case of removal, death, resignation or inability, both of the presi- 
dent and vice-president, declaring what officer shall then act as president ; and 
such officer shall act accordingly, until the disability be removed, or a presi- 
dent shall be elected. 

7. The president shall at stated times receive for his services a compensation, 
which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the period for which 
he shall have been elected ; and he shall not receive within that period any 
other emolument from the United States, or any of them. 

8. Before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall take the following 
oath or affirmation : 

"I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the office of 
President of the United States ; and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, 
protect and defeud the Coastilution of the United States." 



THK UNITED STATES, 47 

Sectio7i 2. 

1. The president shall be commaiidei-in-chief of the army and navy of the 
United States, and of the militia of the several states, -when called into the 
actual service of tlie United States. He may require the opinion, in writing, 
of the principal officer in each of the executive departments, upon any sub- 
ject relating to the duties of their respective offices; and he shall have power 
to grant reprieves and pardons for offences agairwt the United States, except in 
cases of impeachment. 

2. He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the senate, 
to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the senators present concur ; and he 
shall nominate, and by and with the advice and consent of tlie senate, shall 
appoint ambassadors, other public ministers or consuls, judges of supreme 
court, and all other officers of the United States, whose appointments are not 
herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by law. But 
the congress may, by law, vest the appointment of such inferior officers as they 
think proper, in the president alone, in the courts of law, or in the heads of 
departiiients. 

3. The president shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may happen 
during the recess of the senate, by granting commissions, which shall expire 
at the end of their next se.ssion. 

Section 3. 

1. He shall from time to time give to the congress information of the state 
of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall 
judge necessary and expedient. He may, on extraordinary occasions, convene 
both houses, or either of them ; and in case of disagreement between them, 
with respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to such time 
as he shall think proper. He shall receive ambassadors and other public min- 
isters. He shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed ; and shall 
commission all the officers of the United States. 

Sectio7i 4. 

1. The president, vice-president, and all civil officers of the United States, 
shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and conviction of, treason, 
bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors. 

ARTICLE 111.— Scctio7i 1. 

1. The jiidicial power of the United States shall be vested in one supreme 
court, and in such inferior courts as the congress may from time to time ordain 
and establish. The judges, both of the supreme and inferior courts, shall hold 
their offices during good behavior ; and shall, at stated times, receive for their 
services a compensation which shall not be diminished during their continu- 
ance in office. 

Section 2. 

1. The judicial power shall extend to all cases in law and equity arising 
under this constitution, the laws of the United States and treaties made, or 
which shall be made, under their authority ; toall cases affecting ambassadors, 
other public ministers and consuls ; to all cases of admiralty and maritime 
jurisdiction ; to controversies to which the United States shall be a party ; to 
controversies ' between two or more states; between a state and' citizens of 



48 CONSTITUTION OF 

another state, between citizens of different states, between citizens of the same 
state claiming lauds under grants of different states, and between a state, or 
the citizens thereof, and foreign states, citizen or subjects. 

2. In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, and 
those in which a state shall be party, the supreme court shall have original 
jurisdiction. In all the other cases before mentioned, the supreme court shall 
have appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and lact, with such exceptions, and 
under such regulations as the congress shall make. 

3. The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury, 
and such trial shall be held in the state where the said crimes shall have been 
committed; but when not committed within any state, the trial shall beat 
such place or places as the congress may by law have directed. 

Section 3. • 

1. Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war 
against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. 
No per.son shall be convicted of treason, unless on the testimony of two wit- 
nesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open court. 

2. The congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason ; but 
no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood, or ferfeiture, except 
during the life of the person attainted. 

ARTICLE lY.— Section 1. 

1. Full faith and credit shall be given in each state to the public acts, re- 
cords, and judicial proceedings of every other state ; and the congress may, by 
general laws, prescribe the manner in which such acts, records, and proceed- 
ings, -shall be proved, and the effect thereof. 

Section 2. 

1. The citizens of each state shall be entitled to all privileges and immuni- 
ties of citizens in the several states. 

2. A person charged in any state with treason, felony, or other crime, who 
shall flee from justice, and be found in another state, shall, on demand of the 
executive authority of the state from wliich he fled, be delivered up, to be re- 
moved to the state having jurisdiction of the crime. 

3. No person held to service or labor in one state under the laws thereof, 
escaping into another, shall in consequence of any law or regulation therein, 
be discharged from such service or labor; but shall be delivered up on claim 
of the party to whom such service or labor niay be due. 

Section 3. 

1. New states may be admitted by the congress into this Union ; but no 
new state shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other state, 
nor any state be formed by the junction of two or more states or parts of 
states, without the consent of the legislatures of the states concerned, as well 
as of the congress. 

2. The congress shall have power to dispo.se of, and make all needful rules 
and regulations re.specting the territory or Other property belonging to the 
United States ; and nothing in this constitution shall be so construed as to 
prejudice anj claima of the United States, or of any particular btate. 



THE UNITED STATES. 49 

Section 4. 
1. The United States shall guarantee to every state in this Union a repub- 
lican form of government, and shall protect each of Uioin against invasion ; 
and, on application of the legislature or of the executive, (when tlie legisla- 
ture can not becouv€ncd,) against domestic violence. 

ARTICLE V. 
1. Tlie congress, wlienever two-tJiird.s of both lio'iis<'S shall deem it necf-H- 
sary, shall propose amendments to this constitution ; or, on the application of 
the legifi;lat«reH (*f two-thirds of the sereaal states, -shall call a convention for 
proposing amendments, which, in either case, shall be valid to all intents and 
purposes, as part of this constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three- 
fourths, of tlje sev.eral stsites, or by conventions in three-fourths theieof. as tlie 
one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the congi'ess ; pro- 
vided that no amendment which may be made prior to the year one thoiisaiul 
«8ight hundred and eight, shall in any mann-er affect the first and fourth clause^j 
in the ninth section of the first article^ and that, no state, without its consent i 
■shall be deprived of its equal suffrage iu the senate. 

ARTICLE VI. 

1. All debts contracted and engagements entered into, before tlie adoption 
of this constitution, shall be as valid against the United States under tlii» 
"Constitution, as under the confed«ration. 

2. This constitution, and the laws of the United States, which shall lie 
made "in pursuance theref)f, and all treaties inade, or wjiieh shall be made, un- 
der the authority of Ihv United States, sliajl be the supreme law of the land; 
and the judges in every state shall be bound thereby, anything in tlie consti- 
tution or laws of any state to the contrary notwithstanding. 

3. The senators and representatives before mentioned, and the members <if 
the several state legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers, both of the 
United States and of the several states, .shall %e bound by oath or affirmation 
to support this constitution ; bnt no religious test shall ever be required as a 
qnalificatioii to any office or public trust under the United States. 

ARTICLE VII. 
S. The ratification of the conventions of nine states shall be sufficient for the 
establishment of this constitution between the states so ratifying the same. 

Done iti convention by the unanimous consent of the states present, the 
seventeenth day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven 
hundred and eighty-seven, and of the Independence of the United States of 
America, the twelfth. In witness whereof we have hereunto subscribed our 
names. 

GEOfiGE WASHINGTON, 

Presidetd and Dep>U>t from Vtrgima. 



50 CONSTITUTION OF 



A M E InT D M E ]S^ T S 

To THE 

CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 



[The following aiuendiaents were proposed at the first session of the first 
congress of the United States, which was begun and held at the city of Nerw- 
York, on the 4th of March, 1789, and were adopted by the requisite number 
of States. [1 vol. Laws of U. S., page 72.] 

[The following preamble and resolution preceded the original proposition 
of the amendments, and as they have been supposed by a high equity judge, 
(Bth Wendell's Reports, p. 100,) to have an important bearing on the con- 
struction of those araendment.e, they are here inserted. They will be found 
in the journals of the first session of the first congress. 

CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES, 
Begun and held at the city of New York, on Wednesday, the 4th of March, 1789. 

The conventions of a number of the states having, at the time of their 
adopting the constitution, expressed a desire, in order to prevent misconstruc- 
tion or abuse of its powers, that further declaratory and restrictive clauses 
should be added, and as extending the ground of public confidence in the 
government will best insure the beneficent ends of its institution: 

Resolved, By the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States 
of America, in Congress assembled, two-thirds of both houses concurring, that 
the following articles be proposed to the legislatures of the several states, as 
amendments to the constitution of the United States ; all or any of which 
articles, when ratified by three-fourths of the said legislatures, to be valid to 
all intents and purposes, as part of the said constitution, namely:] 

ARTICLE L 
Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or 
prohibiting the free exercise thereof: or abridging the freedom of speech or of 
the press ; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition 
the government for a redress of grievances. 

ARTICLE n. 
A well regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free state, the 
right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed. 
ARTICLE III. 
No soldier shall,, in time of peace, be quartered in any house, without the 
consent of the owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by 
law. 



THE UNITED STATES. 51 

ARTICLE IV. 

The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers and 
efifects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated ; and 
no warrants shall issue but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirm- 
ation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or 
things to be seized. 

ARTICLE Y. 

No person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous crime, 
unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising 
in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service in time of 
war or public danger ; nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to 
be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb ; nor shall be compelled, in any crim- 
inal case, to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty or 
property, without due process of law ; nor shall private property be taken for 
public use, without just compensation. 

ARTICLE YI. 

In all criminal prosecutions, the accused ehall enjoy the right to a speedy 
and public trial, by an impartial jury of the state and district wherein the 
crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously 
ascertained by law , and to be informed of the nature and cause of the ac- 
cusation ; to be confronted with the witnesses against him ; to have compul- 
sory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of 
counsel for his defence. 

ARTICLE VII. 

In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty 
dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved ; and no fact tried by a 
jury shall be otherwise re-examined in any court of the United States, than 
according to the rules of the common law. 

ARTICLE Yin. 

Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel 
and uuusua] punishment inflicted. 

ARTICLE IX. 

The enumeration in the constitution of certain rights, shall not be construed 
to deny or disparage others retained by the people. 

ARTICLE X. 

The powers not delegated to the United States by the constitution, nor pro- 
hibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states respectively, or to the 
people. 

[The following amendment was proposed at the second session of the third congress. It is 
printed in the Laws of the United States, 1st vol., p. 7.3, as article 11.] 

ARTICLE XL 
The judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to 
any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted again.st one of the United 
States by citizens of another state, or by citizens or subjects of any foreign 
state. 



52 CONSTITUTION OF 

[Tho three following sections were proposed as amendments at the first session of the 
eighth congress. They are printed in the Laws of the United States as article 12.] 

ARTICLE XII. 

1. The electors shall meet in their respective states, and vote by ballot for 
president and vice-president, one of whom, at least, shall not be an inliabitant 
of the same st,- te with theinselves. They shall name in Uieir ballots the per- 
son voted for as president, and in distinct ballots, the person voted for as vice- 
president; and tliey shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as presi- 
dent, and of all persons voted for as vice-president, and of the number of 
votes for each ; which lists they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed 
to the seat <ff the government of the United States, directed to the president 
of the senate The president of the senate shall, in the presence of the senate 
and house of representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then 
be counted. The person having tlie greatest number of votes for president, 
shall be the president, if such number be a majority of the whole number of 
electors appointed ; and if no person have such majority, then from the persons 
having the highest numbers, not exceeding three, on the list of those voted 
for as president, the house of representatives shall choose immediately, by bal- 
lot, the president. But, in choosing the president, the voles shall be taken 
by states, the representation from each state having one vote ; a quorum for 
this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the 
states, and a majority of all the states shall be necessary to a choice. And if 
the house of representatives shall not choose a president whenever the right 
of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next fol- 
lowing, then the vice-president shall act as president, as in the case of the 
deatli or other constituDional disability of the president. 

2. The person having the greatest number of votes as vice-president shall 
be the vice-president, if such number be a majority of the whole number of 
electors appointed, and if no person have a majority, then from the two 
highest numbers on the list.tlie senate shall choose tlie vice-president. A 
quorum for the purpose shall consist of two-tliirds of the whole number of 
senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. 

3. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of president, shall 
be eligible to that of vice-president of the United States. 



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